Rhode Island Cannabis Licensing · H8544

We played by the rules.
We won.
Then they changed the rules.

Ancora Partners did everything Rhode Island asked. We qualified. We earned an adult-use cannabis license under the state's own process. Then the General Assembly passed H8544 — throwing out the entire process and ordering regulators to start over from scratch. One signature erased what we earned. These are the 92 lawmakers who voted yes.

92
Lawmakers voted YES
63–1
House passage vote
29–8
Senate passage vote
1
Governor's signature
Latest July 31: The ACLU of Rhode Island tells the City its threats against our banners appear tied to the political content of the speech. Read the letters →
The Question

Incompetence or corruption? There is no third choice.

Four years. Zero licenses. A program written to lift people up that locked them out instead. There are only two explanations for how Rhode Island got here — so I made a film about each one, and let the record make the case.

Part I — Incompetence

Part I makes the case that this was incompetence — the missed deadlines, the years of delay, the rules that took almost three years to write. Watch on Facebook →

Part II — Corruption makes the other case. Coming soon.

Coverage

In the news

The fight over Rhode Island's cannabis licenses is reaching the public.

Local television coverage of the dispensary fight. More to come.

The Film

Kingdom of the Ocean State

An AI-generated parody. The documents in it are real. 🔊 Sound on.

A farmer in a small seaside kingdom follows every rule, waits years, and wins a charter fair and square — until the court decides to start the whole game over. It is a fable, and the characters in it are invented.

Everything else in it is not: the 63–1 roll call, the news coverage of our banners, the city’s letter ordering them taken down, and the complaint we filed in Superior Court. They appear on screen exactly as they exist in the record. Watch on Facebook →

Watch the story

Five minutes. The whole story.

This is exactly how Rhode Island ends up 46th for business — and dead last in America to start one.

When a state can erase its own rules after people bet everything on them, capital stops coming. David Rozen lays out what happened — and why it should worry anyone thinking about investing in Rhode Island. Watch on Facebook →

The Story

A small business vs. the entire State House

This is what it looks like when the rules change after the game is over.

We applied in Cranston, where we were both born and raised. We did everything the state's rules required — Social Equity certification, full zoning approval, building and electrical permits, a complete application by the deadline, and more than $500,000 of our own capital. Ours was the only Social Equity application in our zone to finish on time. After the Commission's own 90-day review, we won — fair and square.

The Social Equity applicant on this license is a lifelong Cranston resident who spent her career helping people recover from addiction. She lived in one of the neighborhoods the war on drugs hit hardest and qualified for the Social Equity program — she is exactly who it was written for. The other partner is a lifelong Rhode Islander too, an investor and CFO who has spent a career in some of the most heavily regulated industries there are. Together, they were the kind of team this state says it wants.

Then a federal court flagged one piece of the law — the requirement that owners be Rhode Island residents. This was never the fault of the people who sued, or the court. It was the State — which wrote a rule it should have known was vulnerable, defended it for years, and is still appealing it today. Instead of fixing that one provision, the General Assembly used it as the reason to tear down the whole process and order the Cannabis Control Commission to start over from zero.

They didn't fix the rule. They threw out the winner.

That bill is H8544 — with an identical Senate companion, S3313 (Sen. Bissaillon and Sen. Acosta). The House passed H8544 63–1, the Senate concurred 29–8, and on June 10, 2026, Governor Dan McKee signed it into law. The moment he did, the application we'd already won was worth nothing — and under the new criteria, she no longer even qualifies to apply. The program built to lift her up now locks her out.

Governor McKee signed the 2022 law that gave her Social Equity status — and signed the 2026 law that takes it away.

This is what a broken business climate looks like. This year Rhode Island was ranked 46th for business by CNBC and dead last — the worst state in America to start a business — by WalletHub. When a state can erase its own rules after people bet everything on them, capital stops coming.

We're fighting back. Before they passed the provision that tries to bar us from suing, we sued — and we'll keep fighting, in the courts and in the open, until this is fixed the right way. ▶ Watch David Rozen tell the whole story (5 min).

How it happened

Years of delay — then a 28-day rush

We don't hold a license today because of their delay — not ours. Had the state met its own deadlines, we would have been licensed in 2023 or early 2024, long before any lawsuit.

May 25, 2022
Rhode Island legalizes adult-use cannabis. The law Gov. Dan McKee signs gives him 40 days to seat the Cannabis Control Commission.
July 2022
The 40-day deadline to name the commission passes — with no commission.
May 17, 2023
After nearly a year, Gov. McKee finally nominates the commissioners, including Chair Kim Ahern. The Senate confirms them June 13, 2023. But for that delay, we'd already be licensed.
2023–2025
Under Chair Kim Ahern, the Commission takes almost three years to write rules that largely mirrored a process the state had already run. But for that delay, we'd already be licensed.
May 1, 2025
The CCC's regulations finally take effect — nearly three years after legalization.
Dec 29, 2025
Application deadline. Ancora files a complete application, on time — the only Social Equity applicant in its zone to do so.
March 2026
The Commission's own 90-day review window passes; its counsel later concedes to the Senate it still hadn't finished. But for that delay, the license we earned would be in our hands.
April 8, 2026
A federal judge issues a preliminary injunction over Rhode Island's residency requirement, halting the retail license rollout and freezing pending applications.
April 14, 2026
The Cannabis Control Commission votes — after a closed-door meeting — to appeal the ruling.
May 13, 2026
H8544 is introduced, with its Senate companion S3313 (Sen. Bissaillon and Sen. Acosta). Rather than fix the residency provision alone, it orders a brand-new application process and a full restart.
June 4, 2026
The Rhode Island House passes H8544 63–1.
June 9, 2026
The Rhode Island Senate passes H8544 in concurrence, 29–8 — after also passing its own identical companion, S3313 (34–3). H8544 is the version sent to the Governor.
June 10, 2026
Governor Dan McKee signs H8544 into law, effective immediately. The won application is erased.

One signature finished the job

The House and Senate passed it. Governor Dan McKee signed H8544 into law on June 10, 2026 — making the restart official and wiping out a process we had already won.

Follow the money

Why drag their feet for years? Follow the money.

The delay wasn't an accident — it protected the insiders who were already cashing in.

0
Social-equity or co-op licenses issued in 4 years
$120M+
2025 sales by the incumbent dispensaries — highest per-store in the U.S.
64%
More than Massachusetts — what you overpay for cannabis here
$235,950
From those incumbents to Gov. McKee's campaign

Four years after Rhode Island legalized cannabis, the state has issued none of the promised social-equity or co-op licenses. Meanwhile, the handful of dispensaries that were already open booked more than $120 million in 2025 — the highest per-store average in the country — while Rhode Islanders pay an estimated 64% more than people in Massachusetts, where there's real competition.

Those same incumbent retailers and allied cultivators have given $235,950 to Governor McKee's re-election campaign, according to campaign-finance data compiled by journalist Steve Ahlquist. At a March 31 Senate Finance hearing, Sen. Jonathan Acosta — a sponsor of S3313 — called the Governor's donors what "some might call the 'Marijuana Mafia.'"

And the connection is closer than you'd think. Public records show that in November 2025, Gov. McKee had a private lunch with executives of four of those dispensaries — at Spain Restaurant on Reservoir Avenue, directly across the street from our building. That restaurant is co-owned by the same family that co-owns Mother Earth Wellness, one of the incumbent dispensaries. Journalist Steve Ahlquist has since filed a complaint with the R.I. Board of Elections alleging that cannabis-industry fundraisers for the Governor held there in 2021, 2023, and 2025 never appeared as required costs in his campaign's disclosures.

There's a structural problem, too. By law, the Cannabis Control Commission is an independent agency — built, like the Ethics Commission and the Board of Elections, to be insulated from the Governor. Yet reporting shows Chair Kim Ahern was the only independent-agency chair regularly invited to Gov. McKee's weekly cabinet meetings, with monthly meetings scheduled with his chief of staff — exactly the political closeness the law was written to prevent.

The commissioner who presided over the delays, Kim Ahern, stepped down in October 2025 to run for Attorney General — her campaign funded in part by that same incumbent industry, per Ahlquist's reporting. And the federal judge who paused the rollout called the resulting harm "self-inflicted," noting the state could simply transfer existing applications into the new process — the exact fix we've asked for all along.

Read journalist Steve Ahlquist's investigative series:

The "only way" myth

They were told this was the only way. It wasn't.

H8544 was sold as the only way to comply with the federal court. That is not what the court said — and not what the law required.

⚠ What they were told

A federal court struck down Rhode Island's cannabis licensing. The only way to fix it is to wipe out the process and start every application over from scratch.

✓ What the court actually said

The federal injunction targeted one thing: Rhode Island's residency requirement — the rule that owners be majority Rhode Island residents — as a likely violation of the U.S. Constitution's Commerce Clause. The court paused the rollout over that single provision. It did not order the state to void completed applications, erase municipal approvals, or restart the process. The judge even suggested the state could carry the existing applications into a corrected process.

Fixing one unconstitutional rule did not require throwing out everyone who followed the rules.

In the judge’s own words

From Judge Melissa R. DuBose’s April 8, 2026 Memorandum & Order — Jensen v. R.I. Cannabis Control Commission, C.A. No. 1:24‑cv‑00191 (D.R.I.), Doc. 41. Don’t take our word for it: read the full 28‑page order (PDF).

“The CCC can remedy or minimize some of the third-party harm by, for example, refunding application fees or transferring current applications to the new application period.”
— Doc. 41 at 26. The court itself named the fix that would have preserved every completed application.
“Knowing the Act was facing legal challenges in this Court, the CCC continued forward with its plan to implement the Act and its licensing scheme. The resulting fall-out will be, to be blunt, self-inflicted.”
— Doc. 41 at 25. The court's word for how this happened: self-inflicted.
“An order delaying the Commission from issuing Licenses altogether would unfairly and materially prejudice those third-party applicants.”
— The Commission’s own brief, quoted at Doc. 41 at 26. The State told the court that a mere delay would unfairly prejudice applicants — then supported a law that erased those same applications entirely.

What the injunction ordered — and what it never ordered. The order enjoined enforcement of the residency provisions and paused the pending application round (Doc. 41 at 27). Nowhere in its 28 pages did it require Rhode Island to void, destroy, or nullify a single application. The pause came from the court. The erasure came from the General Assembly.

And the proof arrived in July. Once lawmakers removed the residency language, the same judge moved to dissolve the injunction. Read that carefully: removing one provision was enough to satisfy the federal court. The narrow fix worked. Everything H8544 did beyond that — voiding completed applications, erasing a won license, barring the harmed from suing — was surplus the court never asked for.

There was a narrower fix in plain sight: remove the residency requirement, let qualified out-of-state applicants compete — and preserve the standing, approvals, and compliance that applicants had already earned. That cures exactly what the court flagged, without punishing the people who did everything right.

This isn't speculation — it's the heart of our lawsuit against the Cannabis Control Commission (Ancora Partners, LLC d/b/a Flower & Pot v. Rhode Island Cannabis Control Commission, R.I. Superior Court, No. PC‑2026‑02802). In a sworn affidavit, we state that "the concerns identified by the federal court regarding residency requirements can be addressed without treating Ancora's application as though it had never been submitted," and that allowing out-of-state applicants in "does not require the elimination or disregard of the efforts, expenditures, approvals, compliance actions, or application status previously achieved."

A full restart was never the court's command. It was a choice — one that erased a license we had already won, after we spent more than $500,000 doing everything the state asked.

And they did it with their eyes open. The Commission's own numbers showed that one in five Social Equity applicants — all Rhode Islanders — would lose their eligibility. The House passed it anyway, 63–1. But the real harm isn't one in five: every applicant who followed the rules now has to spend the time, money, and energy to do it all over again. That's not 20% harmed — that's 100%.

Here's the most absurd part: the State is still appealing the very ruling it used to justify all this — arguing in federal court that the ruling was wrong, even as it tore up the applications based on it. If the state wins its own appeal, it did all of this for nothing.

Our lawsuit

We're fighting this in court.

Before the state passed the provision that tries to bar us from suing, we sued.

We've taken the Rhode Island Cannabis Control Commission to Providence County Superior Court — Ancora Partners, LLC d/b/a Flower & Pot v. Rhode Island Cannabis Control Commission, C.A. No. PC‑2026‑02802. Our complaint asks the court to confirm what the record already shows: that we followed every rule, that we were the only Zone 4 Social Equity applicant to timely obtain full municipal zoning approval — a required prerequisite — and that issuing our license would have been a ministerial act.

We're asking the court to declare our application and Social Equity certification still valid, to bar the Commission from nullifying our application or forcing us to start over, and to preserve what we earned — the same narrow fix the federal judge said was available all along. We invested more than $500,000 doing everything the state asked. We're not walking away from it.

📄 Read our First Amended Complaint (PDF) — filed July 17, 2026  Original complaint (June 2026)

The fight — updated July 31, 2026

They keep escalating. So do we.

A running log of the fight for accountability — newest first. Check back; this list only grows.

July 31, 2026

The ACLU steps in — and tells the City its demands look like censorship.

We asked the ACLU of Rhode Island for help. On July 31, its Executive Director, Steven Brown, wrote directly to Cranston's Building Official — copying the City Solicitor — and put the City's conduct on the record.

The letter says the email exchanges "suggest that the nature and scope of your responses may be based, at least in part, on the political nature of the signage. That is deeply troubling." It catalogs precisely what we objected to from day one: a demand to remove the signs immediately "without any semblance of due process"; an "unauthorized threat" to have somebody take the signs down before any citation was ever issued; and a failure to cite any specific ordinance — an ultimatum the City withdrew only after conferring with its own solicitor.

On the surveyor demand, the ACLU questions the "onerous, and undoubtedly costly, 'compliance' requirement for an alleged violation of the zoning ordinance that your email did not even confirm actually exists" — noting the City never offered any lesser alternative, like adjusting only the portion of the fence actually claimed to block a sight line.

And on the City's newest theory — that a state permit statute requires permission before posting signs on your own property — the ACLU is blunt: the statute "strikes us as being completely inapplicable," and the notice "seems to formally attempt to apply it in a manner that threatens to suppress political speech protected by the First Amendment."

The letter closes by asking the City to explain its week of demands and threats, and to give assurances that they "are not related to the content of the signage being displayed." That is the whole question, asked by the state's leading civil-liberties organization, in writing, to the officials who made the threats.

July 31, 2026 letter from Steven Brown, Executive Director of the ACLU of Rhode Island, to Cranston Building Official Stanley Pikul, copying City Solicitor Christopher Millea

ACLU of Rhode Island to the City of Cranston, July 31, 2026 — cc: the City Solicitor.

📄 Read the ACLU's letter

July 24, 2026

Theory #4: a formal Notice of Violation — and now the signs need a building permit.

The emails became official. On July 24 the City issued a formal Notice of Violation for 1112 Reservoir Avenue, alleging that "multiple signs were installed on structures … without the required permits." It cites R.I.G.L. § 23-27.3-113.1 — a state building-code provision on when a permit is required — together with the corner-visibility ordinance, and warns that failure to comply "may result in prosecution."

Read that plainly: the City's position is now that a citizen needs a permit from the government before hanging a political sign on his own fence. The ACLU called that reading "completely inapplicable." And notice what still isn't in the notice — no measurement, no finding that anything actually blocks a sight line, no explanation of why this address, this week, these signs.

It is the fourth theory in nine days. Too big. Sight lines. Wind loads. Now permits and prosecution. Every excuse changes. The target never does.

City of Cranston Notice of Violation dated July 24, 2026 for 1112 Reservoir Avenue, signed by Inspector of Buildings Stanley F. Pikul

The City's Notice of Violation, July 24, 2026.

📄 Read the Notice of Violation

July 23, 2026

The City backs down on size — then tries two new theories.

One day after we refused to remove the banners and invoked the First Amendment, the City wrote back. Buried in the first sentence is the concession that ends the original threat: after consulting the City solicitor, our banners "may be considered 'political signs'" under Cranston's own code. Which is exactly what we told them: Cranston has no size limit on political signs. The demand to tear them down "immediately" — the threat to send a crew and lien the property — had no legal basis. Theory #1 is dead, in writing.

There was no apology. Instead, two brand-new theories appeared. Now the City says the banners might obstruct "corner visibility" — and demands we hire a surveyor to produce a stamped site plan. (The ordinance it cites covers only obstructions between 2.5 and 10 feet tall within 30 feet of the intersection, and nothing in it lets the City order a citizen to commission surveys. We'll bring our own tape measure.) And now, for the first time, fabric banners supposedly require a building permit with engineer-stamped hurricane wind-load calculations under ASCE 7 — a demand we doubt has ever been made of a single grand-opening banner on Reservoir Avenue. The letter closes, again, with a threat of unspecified "further actions."

See the pattern. When "too big" failed, it became "sight lines." When that fails, it's "wind loads." Each new theory arrives only after the last one collapses, and each one costs more money to answer — surveyors, engineers, stamped drawings. The process is the punishment. They don't need to win; they just need to make speaking cost more than staying silent. We are consulting a licensed engineer, we will verify the sight triangle ourselves, and the banners are staying up.

The City's Second Letter

July 22, 2026

The City of Cranston demands the banners come down. We refuse.

The banners tell this website's story in letters big enough that nobody can pretend they didn't know. "She did everything right. She won." "The program built to lift her up now locks her out." And the names — the representatives and senators who voted for H8544 — printed on the fence at 1112 Reservoir Avenue, where the voters they answer to drive past every day.

1112 Reservoir Avenue, Cranston: roof banners reading 'She did everything right. She won. Then the State erased her.' and 'The program built to lift her up, now locks her out.' above a fence wrap listing the legislators who voted for H8544

1112 Reservoir Avenue, Cranston. Every name on that fence voted yes.

The City of Cranston's own photo of the fence banners, timestamped July 22, 2026, 11:00 AM

This one wasn't taken by us. It's the City of Cranston's own photo, timestamped 11:00 a.m., July 22 — attached to the removal demand it sent at 2:13 p.m. the same day. The State took years to act on her license. The City took three hours to go from photographing these banners to demanding their removal.

On July 22, Cranston's Building & Zoning Official emailed our landlord about the banners on our building: "Please advise the tenant to remove them immediately, or the City may send someone out to do it and place a lien on the property." No code section cited. No measurements. No hearing. No court order. Just a demand to erase the message — sent not to us, the speakers, but to our landlord.

Here's what Cranston's own ordinance actually says: the City may summarily remove a sign only when it poses "an immediate danger to the public health or safety." And its only rule for political signs is that they come down after an election — there is no size limit on political speech in Cranston's code. The size tables the City would have to lean on were written for storefronts and shopping plazas, not for citizens criticizing their government. The First Amendment does not permit that switch.

And here's the part that should make every Cranston taxpayer furious. At projected revenue, this dispensary would send the City roughly $300,000 a year in local cannabis excise alone — before a dollar of property or tangible tax. Hold that against the City's own published list of its largest taxpayers: only about a dozen names in the entire city — the power company, the malls, the big-box chains — would pay Cranston more. A business that would rank among the City's fifteen largest taxpayers, on the one site in Cranston zoned and approved to host it, built by Rhode Islanders who did everything right. And City Hall's first official word to us wasn't "welcome." It was a threat to cut our banners down.

This is the Rhode Island disease, and it doesn't stop at the State House door — it flows downhill into the cities. Goliath never gets a code-enforcement letter; David gets one in an afternoon. The insiders never miss. The rest of us play by the rules, win, and get told the rules have changed. Cranston should be standing with a small business that fought for years to open its doors here and bring the city a top-fifteen taxpayer. Instead, political pressure prevails.

We are not taking them down. We responded the same day, and we asked the ACLU of Rhode Island for emergency help. Read every word yourself:

The City's Email  Our Response  Our Request to the ACLU

Documents are reproduced in full; personal information of private individuals has been redacted. The photos in the City's email are the City's own.

July 18, 2026

The building speaks.

Banners go up at 1112 Reservoir Avenue — the location we earned and the State erased — telling the story and naming the lawmakers who voted for H8544, where their own voters drive past every day.

July 17, 2026

We expand the lawsuit.

We filed our First Amended Complaint in Ancora Partners, LLC v. Rhode Island Cannabis Control Commission, expanding our claims against the Commission. The Commission has 20 days to respond. Details in The Lawsuit.

June 10, 2026

One signature finishes the job.

Governor Dan McKee signs H8544 into law, wiping out the licensing process we had already won and ordering regulators to start over from scratch.

Before the vote

We take them to court.

Before the State passed the provision that tries to bar us from suing, we sued — Ancora Partners, LLC d/b/a Flower & Pot v. Rhode Island Cannabis Control Commission, C.A. No. PC‑2026‑02802. Read what we're asking for in The Lawsuit.

Accountability

The 92 who voted yes

These are the elected officials who voted for H8544 — and the Governor who signed it. Search for your own town below.

📄 Download the voting card — take it to the polls

Signed it into law
Gov. Dan McKee
Governor of Rhode Island
House sponsor
Rep. Scott Slater
D · Providence · Dist. 10
Senate sponsor · S3313
Sen. Jake Bissaillon
D · Providence · Dist. 1
House Speaker · voted yes
Speaker C. Blazejewski
D · Providence · Dist. 2
House — 63 yes
Senate — 29 yes
Take it to the polls

They changed the rules on her. There's one rule they can't rewrite — your vote.

The only real power we hold over an elected official is the ballot. 92 of them voted to erase a woman-owned Social Equity business she had already won — and to push her toward bankruptcy over the loan she took to build it.

Learn their names. Carry them into the voting booth. Then do the one thing they can't undo: vote them out.

📄 Download the voting card — take it to the polls

Contact them

Tell them to fix it the right way

Start at the top. These are the leaders who drove H8544 and the Governor who signed it — reach them no matter where you live. Then look up the lawmakers for your own town below, and see the full list of who voted yes.

Two ways to reach each office: tap Copy email to copy the address (then paste it into your own email), or Write email to open a ready-to-send message in your mail app. Addresses use the official rilegislature.gov format; phone numbers and exact districts are in the official RI Department of State directory. Rhode Island Senate switchboard: (401) 222-6655.

Find your own legislators by ZIP or town

Enter your ZIP code or town to see the lawmakers for your area who voted yes. Not sure which district you're in? Look up your legislators by address at the official RI Voter Information Center.

What you can do

Don't let them do this quietly

If the rules can be changed on us after we won, they can be changed on you too. Here's how to push back.

01

Find your legislator

Use the search above to see if the representative or senator for your town voted yes. Then call their State House office and ask them why.

02

Share this page

Most people have no idea this happened. Send this link to your neighbors and post it. Sunlight is the point.

03

Follow the fight

We've taken the Cannabis Control Commission to court. Sign up to follow the case and the campaign for accountability.

Receipts

Facts & sources

Every vote on this page comes from the official Rhode Island General Assembly roll-call records.